The events held in Armenia after the early elections of the National Assembly on June 20 2021, are more and more reminiscent of the situation in Armenia before the February revolt of 1921, a burst of despair that had catastrophic historical and political consequences for Armenia.
The political persecution of opposition figures, especially the decapitation of the Syunik region, the unreasonable removal of the respected officers from the army, primitive quarrels in the National Assembly in the face of growing security crisis, consistent tensions of the whole situation intended to create an atmosphere of deep despair, as it was in February 1921.
Thus, after establishing the Soviet regime in Armenia on December 2, 1920, Russian-Turkish negotiations determined the new Russian-Turkish borders.
However, the presence of the Armenian side in those negotiations could have caused unnecessary problems on the border issues.
Therefore, it was necessary to create a situation that would make the participation of the Armenian SSR impossible and enable the Bolsheviks to draw the borders of Armenia at their own discretion.
The Revolutionary Committee of Armenia, violating the Armenian-Russian agreement (commonly known as the Dro-Legran Agreement) in December 1920 – February 1921 created an unbearable atmosphere of repressions and persecution.
The arrests and massacres of more than two hundred Armenian officers, politicians and intellectuals on the night of 10 February 1921 was the last drop that overfilled the cup of patience and forced people to raise a rebellion led by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, suspending the power of the Revolutionary Committee at least in the Ararat Valley.
When analyzing the course and chronology of the February uprising, one can mention that the Revolutionary Committee handed over Yerevan almost without resistance and pulled back its armed forces to Akhta (currently Hrazdan) and Khamarlu (currently Artashat), in the north to Aparan; and in the West were Turkish troops.
The situation was completely advantageous for the Bolsheviks, since Alexander Bekzadyan, the People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs of Soviet Armenia had no grounds to participate in the Russian-Turkish negotiations in Moscow, and the “Salvation Committee of the Fatherland” blocked in Yerevan was isolated from the external world with having no chance of survival.
The plan worked.
Alexander Bekzadyan did not take part in the Russian-Turkish conference in Moscow due to the fact that the government he represented did not exist anymore, and the Salvation Committee of the Fatherland was eliminated within two weeks after signing the Moscow Treaty.
Today through consistent processes despair and deadlock is becoming embedded within the patriotic and honest layers of the Armenian society, thus creating fertile ground for the uprising and rebellions (especially organized by Russia-Turkey-Azerbaijan – the black triangle special forces to proceed with predetermined scenario).
This will give the Kremlin a so-called legal basis to implement actions envisaged within the framework of the CSTO or the Armenian-Russian interstate agreements and ultimately diminish the Armenian statehood.
This will lead to chaos in Armenia driven by foreign forces, and once again the issues with Armenian borders will be resolved without Armenia’s participation, and the local agents of the black triangle will get a “chance” to blame each other further.
Post Scriptum: Not to give the reader the impression that we argue the Right of Rebellion, let us also remind you that in 1920-21 Garegin Nzhdeh disobeyed the order from Yerevan to leave Syunik since he knew the significance of Syunik for Armenia’s survival.
Unlike the Yerevan leaders, Nzhdeh also had a strategic understanding of geopolitical processes, will and knowledge to keep Syunik until the Russian-Turkish trade was over.
Moreover, the rebellious Syunik became the lifeline for the rescued Armenian intelligence, later playing a key role in Armenian communities.
Today Syunik is beheaded. The logic of the ongoing processes suggests that we are witnessing the penultimate round of the Lenin-Kemal-2 operation: to initiate an imitation of a real rebellion by Black triangle’s local agents and puppets, which will ultimately push out Armenia even from the minimal participation in political processes, as well as discredit the idea of a real resistance.
If the heirs of the two-year-old First Republic, after a thousand years of stateless existence, may have had excuses about not understanding the fundamental driving forces and goals of historical political processes, we need to understand the lessons of 1920-21 a hundred years later, since the price of these events was irreparable.
Therefore, systematic actions based on the fundamental understanding of geopolitical and historical processes is the only way to stop this destructive wheel.
